The Formation of Diels-Alder Reactions Essay Example for Free

The Formation of Diels-Alder Reactions Essay The Diels-Alder reactions consist of a reversible dienophile and diene all in a one-step reaction initiated by head. These reactions form a six membered ring with at least one pi bond and two sigma bonds, making the reaction exothermic. The goal of the first part of these experiments is to make products that have a greater aromatic stabilization. In 1928, Otto Paul Hermann Diels and Kurt Alder first documented this type of reaction, hence the name Diels-Alder reactions. Their reaction is one of the more useful reactions done in chemistry because it does not require very much energy in order to make the cyclohexene ring and the result can create four stereo centers, making it compatible for a variety of functional groups which still has double bonds in the products. Dimethyl Tetraphenylphthalate. Tetraphenylcyclopentadienone (0.100g), dimethyl acetylene-dicarboxylate (0.1mL), and nitrobenzene (1mL) was placed into a reaction tube with a boiling stick. The reaction was heated until the purple solution turns tan and refluxed. Ethanol(3mL) was stirred in after the solution was warm, and placed in ice. The solid was vacuum filtered, washed with ethanol, dried and weighed. Hexaphenylbenzene. Tetraphenylcyclopentadienone (0.100g) and diphenylacetylene (500mg) was placed in a reaction tube and loosely capped. The solid was heated to reflux with a sad bath until the solid turned a brown color. The tube was shaken gently to bring about white solids at the bottom of the reaction tube. Diphenyl ether(2mL) was added and heated until the solid dissolved. The reaction tube was cooled again and had toluene(2mL) added then placed in ice. The product was vacuum filtered, washed with toluene, dried, and weighed. Tetraphenylnaphthalene. Tetraphenylcyclopentadienone(0.500g), glyme(3mL), and a boiling chip was added to a reaction tube. Isoamyl nitrite(0.35mL) was added via syringe to reaction tube and heated to reflux for 2-5 minutes. Anthranilic acid(0.250g) and glyme(2mL) was dissolved in a separate reaction tube, then added to refluxing solution dropwise via pipette. The color changed from brown to yellow after 5 minutes, and then heat was added for another 2 min. The mixture was shaken and cooled to room temperature. Ethanol(10mL) and saturated sodium bicarbonate(5mL) was added to the solution and shaken to allow solid to form. The solid was vacuum filtered, washed two times with cold water, then two times with cold ethanol. The product is then recrystallized with nitrobenzene/ethanol, filtered, dried and weighed. The melting point was recorded. Triptycene. Anthracene(0.400g), isoamyl(0.4mL), glyme(4mL) and a boiling chip was placed into a reaction tube and heated using a sand bath. Anthranilic acid(0.520g) was dissolved into glyme(2mL). Anthranilic acid solution was added deopwise via pipette into refluxing apparatus over a twenty minute period, followed by isoamyl nitrite(0.4mL). the mixture was refluxed for an additional ten minutes, then cooled. Ethanol(5mL), 3 M sodium hydroxide solution(10mL) was added to solution. Mixture was filtered and rinsed with cold ethanol, then cold water, then took the crude weight of the product. The solid was placed into a round bottomed flask where maleic anhydride(0.200g) and triglyme(4mL) was added. The mixture was refluxed for five minutes, and cooled. Ethanol(2mL) and 3 M sodium hydroxide solution(6mL) was added to solution. The mixture was filtered and rinsed with cold ethanol and cold water, recrystallized with methanol, filtered, dried and weighted to get final product.

Arthur Millers A View from the Bridge Essay Example for Free

Arthur Millers A View from the Bridge Essay In Arthur Millers A View from the Bridge, the character of Alfieri can be described as the hidden leading role. He bears several roles, most of them more significant than assumed by the casual reader. His dual-role onstage as a character who interacts both with other characters and the audience provides him with the responsibility of bringing about some understanding to the events of the play, while his background makes him the vital link between two conflicting cultures. Alfieri is the symbolic bridge between American constitutional law and Italian social law. The son of a Sicilian, he was raised in America and pursued an education in American law, providing him with a suitable dose of both backgrounds. Like a bridge, Alfieri connects with both shores. Like a bridge, Alfieri leans on the solid foundations of both cultures. But also like a bridge, Alfieri is elevated above, and therefore watches more often than he interferes. Hence the title A View from the Bridge. The whole play is Alfieris perception of the events that took place. It is almost a secondary source that is, a collection of primary sources with his personal interpretation mixed in at relevant moments but it isnt a complete secondary source, because there are significant times during the play when Alfieri himself is involved. Alfieri provides vital continuity at points in the play when the story cannot be told in any way other than narration. One example is on page 31, once the cousins have arrived and all the characters have been introduced, Eddie visits him for legal advice, for a legal way to prevent a Catherine/Rodolfo marriage. Alfieri provides literal descriptions of a storyline which, up until now, has been conveyed only through physical actions and behaviour. His eyes were like tunnels, describes Eddies single, unchangeable aim, whereas but soon I saw it was only a passion that had moved into his body, like a stranger describes how clear it was to Alfieri that Eddie was possessed by his motive. There is also an element of foreshadowing in my first though was that he had committed a crime this phrase also reiterates that the events of the play have already taken place. There are further examples of continuity to promote understanding, provided by Alfieri, throughout the play. Give some of these. As mentioned earlier, the play is Alfieris story, told by Alfieri. As such, and based on the important bridge position he maintains, he has attempted to present the story from a reasonable, objective point a view, a point of view that would suit his position. However, he is awestruck by the events that played out, and tells much of the story as a legend. On page 4, every few years there is still a case, andthe flat air in my office suddenly washes in with the green scent of the sea, the dust in this air is blown away and the thought comes thatanother lawyersat there as powerless as I, and watched it run its bloody course is reflective of this. Alfieri considers the Eddie Carbone case to be a case of exception, one that triggers the romantic feelings he describes in the quotation. As a result, even though one of Alfieris roles in the play is to bring about some form of understanding to a potentially incomprehensible storyline, this quotation shows that the character of Alfieri is not an emotionless, robot-like narrator, but a real human, with a natural tendency to tell magnificent stories with an element of excitement. This can also be seen in his closing remarks on page 64, where he admits to mourning Eddie. Hes only human, and hes torn between sympathy and pity. He is a bridge between two cultures, and he cannot make a choice to devote himself completely to one side. It is the job of a bridge to link two sides together. Similarly, it is his job to maintain a link between the American and Italian cultures, yet he is torn between the two. Here we truly see Alfieris dual-character, making him both a narrator and a character.

The Influence of Police Culture

The Influence of Police Culture In order to appropriately address the topic of discussion, firstly, it is important to understand what is meant by the concept police culture. After establishing its definition, it then becomes a task to assess whether police culture does indeed have a negative influence on the way the police work as an institution or whether it merely ensures that a certain level of consistency in achieved in terms of the way officers conduct themselves in their daily working environment. The term police culture has in itself been a topic of some discussion with sociologists being divided over what the definition should and should not include as there isnt an established, concrete definition of the concept. For example one contributor who has attempted to rectify this problem is Reiner (1992) who describes it as the values, norms, perspectives and craft rules which inform police conduct (Reiner 1992 quoted in Loftus 2009: 3). Whereas another definition comes from Manning (1989) who defines it as accepted practices, rules, and principles of conduct that are situationally applied, and generalised rationales and beliefs (Manning 1989 quoted in Loftus 2009: 3). Although these definitions dont appear too different at first glance, there is in fact a clear distinction between the two that should and must be made mainly the fact that Manning stresses that such principles of conduct are situationally applied, which of course suggests that police culture is not always necessa rily influential to an officers conduct. Some officers can and do hold a certain level of professionalism when taking to the streets and any values which may corrupt such professionalism remains behind closed doors in the company of their colleagues only. Yet Reiners provided definition suggests that the police culture remains with the police officer when they take to the streets and he/she then enforces the informal rules which have been established with their fellow colleagues, which generalises that all police officers act in accordance to the police culture . However what must be taken from both definitions is that there is reason to suggest that there is a network of a shared set of norms and values within police forces which could potentially have an effect on how they operate in a working environment. What also must be stressed is that there is also a distinction between the terms police culture or cop culture (as its otherwise known) and canteen culture which is another concept which crops up time and time again in countless criminology texts. Canteen culture, as mentioned by Waddington (1999), is understood to be the norms and values held by police officers whilst off-duty, whereas police culture is the norms and values which are expressed during the course of their occupational lives (Waddington 1999 cited by Crank 2004: 16-17) Newburn (2007) also makes this a key point by explaining that there is a common tendency to assume that what police choose to say and how they choose to act when off-duty is not only indicative of how police officers think, but also how they act in public. (Newburn 2007: 216) Yet Waddington has a problem with such assumptions, as he claims that this is not the case all of the time. The way officers act and the views they hold whilst off-duty, whether in the pub with friends or work colleagues is but a safety valve to release the pressures of the realities of life as a police officer (Waddington quoted by Newburn 2007: 618) Such an argument claims that in experiencing somewhat controversial views outside of the working sphere, a person is opened up to new perspectives which sociologists such as Waddington would argue helps to avoid them from being over-exposed to a particular ideology which could then influence the way in which they carry out their duties. But what also must be considered is just how valid Waddingtons argument actually is. Yes, of course in some instances exposure to different attitudes and values can be beneficial to an officer in terms of becoming more aware of the possibility of potential new threats, but there are also some officers who would then, due to any extreme views which they may have been subjected to, may target an individual or a group of people because of the stereotypes attached to such persons and not because of genuine suspicion. Police culture, it is claimed by Reiner (1992) has many characteristics in which it can be identified with, with suspicion being just one of them. Suspicion is an absolute necessity in the police force as it is suspicion that helps the police prevent crimes from occurring and therefore everyday working experiences encourage officers to generalise people into particular labels, whether or not this is a legitimate way to suspect possible offenders (Reiner cited by Newburn 2007: 618). Unfortunately there is a strong link between suspicion and ethnicity, with ethnic minorities suspected to engage in criminal activity more than people of white ethnic origin. The 2005/2006 Home Office statistics relating to police searches provide a great example for this. In interpreting the results of stop and search practices, 15.4% of the entire UK Black community were stopped under the Police and Criminal Evidence Act 1984 (PACE Code A) in comparison to only 1.6% of the entire white population. This d iscrimination however doesnt just end with the police; it branches out into other areas of the criminal justice system such as the prison service. Genders Player in (1989) claimed that prison officers sometimes use active stereotypes and labels to help order their working environments by predicting inmate behaviour in order to maintain authority at all times. Prisoners within the ethnic minority demographic were perceived as having a chip on their shoulder, as they felt they were being victims of racial persecution and thus the officers paid more attention to monitoring their behaviour. Arguably the most problematic characteristic of a police culture in terms of the impact it has on police and community relations is the element of racial prejudice. One of the most notable examples of racial prejudices derives within the Macpherson Report (1999), arguably the most notable report in criminology, which followed the death of black teenager Stephen Lawrence. The report found that the police were institutionally racist after discovering that police were ignoring crucial evidence to the investigation and were displaying discrimination in the interviewing process of suspects suggesting that it was black on black crime, despite Lawrences friend (an eye witness) being adamant that it was a racially motivated murder. Despite the findings of the report and the provisions set out to try and avoid the recurrence of racial controversy within the police, there is evidence to claim minority ethnic recruitment still remains low and there are still continuing problems in terms of pol ice relations with ethnic minorities (Croall 2011: 221-222). The aftermath of the Macphereson Report proved that institutional racism was still rife in police recruitment centres, as four years onwards a BBC documentary titled Secret Policeman was aired which centred on the police recruitment centre, Bruche which was located just outside of Warrington. Consequently after the footage of the documentary went public, the centre was forced to close so as to not further damage the reputation of the police. New police training systems were also introduced nationwide to try and expel racism from the police force as a result of the documentary. (The Observer 2004) How officers are socialised is of another great significance. The next characteristic of a police culture is the degree of solidarity, and it is this element which although is reinforced in numerous police forces, it is an aspect which is initially developed between candidates during the recruitment stages. Due to the intense nature of the job including the long hours which officers are required to work, the intensity of some of the work and the expectation of being the ones to prevent social decline, officers are encouraged to bond strongly and they learn to rely on one another, and as such tend to develop an us-against-them attitude. This resulting mentality, in some situations, leads to not officers making pacts with one another in which they agree not to grass on fellow officers for any discrepancies that they might have witnessed whilst on duty. This is more commonly known as The Blue Code of Silence. Just like any other subculture, in order to ensure cooperation and commitment to the Blue Code, a tribal value system is implemented which makes police culture sort of like a family structure in which members of the system will receive emotional support and security from the other officers upon requirement. Several police departments worldwide have been found to have followed the Blue Code, probably most notably was a New York police department which the Mollen Commission reported were to be covering up infringements of their officers. In such case where an officer was to break the Code, then his/her reputation and essentially his career too would be ruined as he/she would then be ostracised and labelled a whistleblower and thus it is the threat of this tarnished reputation that encourages the officer to obey the unwritten rules. (Loftus 2009: 14) Accusations of excessive force by members of the police force are far from uncommon, particularly in America. And it is the use of excessive for which Manning (1970) claims is a perfect example of police culture and how it can have a negative influence on the way officers carry out their duties. (Manning 1970 cited by Crank 2004: 107) However, excessive force is not detected in all cases. Victims of police brutality may feel that the odds are stacked against them in filing a complaint to an officers superiors and are thus reluctant to do so and may feel that even if a complaint is acknowledged and results in a court case, the judge and jury would overlook excessive force as the perceived perspective would be that the victim shouldnt have gotten his/herself in a position in which the use of force was needed in the first place and thus the consequences of their anti-social behaviour was deserved. Yet with that said, there are of course examples where the victim of police brutality are non-deserving of such treatment and thus the police force as a whole have come under criticism despite it being a minority of officers that participate in such excessive violence. For example a British police constable, PC Simon Harwood, was charged with the manslaughter of Ian Tomlinson during the G20 protests in 2009. Tomlinson was finding another route home after his usual route was blocked by the protests when he was struck by PC Harwood with a baton and then pushed to the ground Tomlinson fatally collapsed and an autopsy revealed the cause of death was a heart attack, which the actions of PC Harwood where no doubt a triggering factor. PC Harwood was acquitted of manslaughter, which only strengthens the argument mentioned previously that the courts are sympathetic to the police when the question of reasonable/excessive force is raised. However, it must be stressed that many police forces do have provisions in place to deal with any complaints of unacceptable behaviour regarding their employees in which inquiries will be carried out and, if found guilty, the officer in question may be reprimanded, suspended or permanently dismissed depending on the circumstances. Also, as in the case of PC Harwood they may also, if necessary, face criminal prosecution or at the very least face a civil hearing if the victim wishes to sue for damages caused by the officers ill-considered actions. But how are the police able to get away with these kinds of infringements? Again, it all relates back The Blue Code of Silence. As already mentioned earlier in the essay, officers of some police forces claim ignorance of any wrongdoings of their work partners and in some cases, they testily which is typically an American slang term for when an officer gives false testimony in court. Relating back to the tribal values, not participating in activities such as testilying would lead to an officer being shunned and sometimes even harassed to the point of retirement as they arent assisting their family members, in effect betraying their own kind. In 1994, the Mollen Commission found that some officers within the NYPD fabricated crucial documents such as arrest reports and warrants and some officers were found to have falsified witness statements for the purposes of manipulating the jury as they felt that an accused individual deserved it. This is particularly common in cases of bad character in which an accused has had a history of offences but has escaped punishment. Although corrupt as it is, testilying is merely seen as another way of getting the job done.   In conclusion, there is a huge interest towards police culture due to the impact it can and sometimes does have on society. if it is to have an influence on the way the police go about their work. The police hold a massively important role to society as they are a visible symbol of law and order and are granted various powers such as those which enable them to arrest members of the public who they feel prove a threat to the rest of society. Although most officers do operate in a reasonable manner, it is generally the actions of the minority which enable the public to misconceive that all officers are bigoted and aggressive. Such generalisations lead to a mass distrust of the police and tensions then begin to occur between the police and their publics. You only need to look at the summer riots of 2011 (which were reported to have been sparked by an officers seemingly unauthorised use of deadly force on a suspect) to see just how damaging poor police-community relations can be to the p olices image as a social institution.

Proof Is Simply Beyond The Capacity Essay -- essays research papers f

Certain individuals who commit crimes do so at their own free will, and many have no qualms as to the consequences of their actions. To some, it matters not the possibility that if they are caught, there is the chance they may be executed. Sometimes the crimes committed by certain persons are done so in a manner that would bewilder any other human being. My personal belief is that there is no need for capital punishment in our society. Advocates say that capital punishment is needed in order to deter future criminals, but this is not entirely the case. Research has shown that capital punishment, as a deterrent, has no positive or negative effect. An influential student of the deterrence question, Thorsten Sellin, conducted a study that would attempt to determine the effect of capital punishment on future crime. He studied the homicide rates in contiguous states, some with and some without the death penalty, on the assumption that these states were as alike as possible in character of population, social and economic conditions, etc. His conclusion was that the death penalty had no effect on the murder rate (Sellin, 63). This is not to say that the study performed by Sellin was perfect, for it did contain flaws. In his attempt, he looked for correlations between the homicide rate and the legal status of the death penalty, rather than the number of executions actually carried out in the states where it was legal punishment. As it may be true that contiguous states are similar in certain respects, their differences may be quite apparent. Sellin looked for characteristics evident in all of the states he compared, but these same factors may not be part of the real reason that leads to homicide. He had no way of knowing if these states were equal in all other respects, such as apprehending and convicting those who commit murder. There is simply no absolute in controlling all factors. The issue of deterrence has been the basis on which advocates or abolitionists have grounded their arguments. It would be safe to assume that both sides have varying definitions for the term â€Å"deterrence† and the manner in which they utilize that definition to their advantage. Gertrude Ezorsky offers a dichotomous definition of deterrence that is useful in deciphering the meanings behind the arguments. Ezorsky makes a distinction between the effects of a threat of a punishment and ... ...ways that allow proponents or opponents to advance their own views. What also hinders the advance of this debate is that fact that the installation and implementation of capital punishment is inconsistent, for it is abolished, then brought back again. Many factors are taken into account in determining whether capital punishment is effective, but I am in complete agreement with Peter Passell when he says, â€Å"proof is simply beyond the capacity of empirical social science† (Passell, 79). Bibliography Berns, Walter, For Capital Punishment: Crime and the Morality of the Death Penalty. New York: Basic Books, Inc., 1979. Cederblom, Jerry, â€Å"The Retributive Liability Theory of Punishment,† Public Affairs Quarterly 9, 4 (1995), 305-15. Ezorsky, Gertrude, Philosophical Perspectives on Punishment. Albany: State University of New York Press, 1972. Passell, Peter, â€Å"The Deterrent Effect of the Death Penalty: A Statistical Test,† Stanford Law Review 28 (Nov. 1975), 79-80. Sellin, Thorsten, The Death Penalty. Philadelphia: American Law Institute, 1959. Van Den Haag, Ernest, â€Å"On Deterrence and the Death Penalty,† The Journal of Criminal Law Criminology, and Police Science 60, 2 (June 1969), 141-47.

How An Avalanche Forms :: avalanche snow form

While there are many different ways for avalanches to set up, they are all related in the sense that the snows' frictional hold on the slope has released and gravity is pulling the snow particles down. When the snow is deposited during the storm, the particles are 'bonding' or 'locking' together and creating layers of particles that are relatively similar. Every time the temperature changes during the storm, or the wind shifts directions, it has an effect on how the snow settles and may form a new layer. Some of these layers are denser than others, and some will bond nicely with neighboring layers while others may not. The better the bonding is between the layers, the more stable the snowpack is. When a weak layer is deposited, or created in the snowpack, the chances of that layer collapsing and causing an avalanche are much higher. The layer may fail due to the force of gravity, the weight of new snow on top of it, or forces from a skier or snowmachine on it. An avalanche occurs whe n the forces due to the previous instances become greater than the mechanical strength of the snowpack. There are two distinct types of avalanches: loose avalanches and slab avalanches. While they are structurally different systems, both can be equally troublesome to those recreating in the mountains. Loose, or point-release, avalanches occur on slopes where the snow has simply lost its ability to remain on the slope. This is due to cohesionless snow sloughing off the surface, and picking up more snow as it falls down-slope. As the first particles of snow begin to release on the steeper aspects of the slope, they collide with lower particles, and create a fanned, triangular appearance on the slope. This type of avalanche generally occurs on slopes of 35 degrees or more and typically involves only the upper layers of the snow pack. Slab avalanches happen when a weak layer in the snowpack fails and the cohesive layer above, separate from the rest of the snowpack and flow down the mountain. The layer that separates remains intact as a unit, and resembles a slab of packed snow flowing down the mountain. As it travels downslope, collides with objects and rolls over the terrain, it generally breaks up and is crumpled into smaller, broken pieces of slab by the bottom of its runout. When either the weak layer fails, or the bond between the slab and the bedsurface releases, the force is drastically increased on all remaining bonds connecting the slab to the slope. How An Avalanche Forms :: avalanche snow form While there are many different ways for avalanches to set up, they are all related in the sense that the snows' frictional hold on the slope has released and gravity is pulling the snow particles down. When the snow is deposited during the storm, the particles are 'bonding' or 'locking' together and creating layers of particles that are relatively similar. Every time the temperature changes during the storm, or the wind shifts directions, it has an effect on how the snow settles and may form a new layer. Some of these layers are denser than others, and some will bond nicely with neighboring layers while others may not. The better the bonding is between the layers, the more stable the snowpack is. When a weak layer is deposited, or created in the snowpack, the chances of that layer collapsing and causing an avalanche are much higher. The layer may fail due to the force of gravity, the weight of new snow on top of it, or forces from a skier or snowmachine on it. An avalanche occurs whe n the forces due to the previous instances become greater than the mechanical strength of the snowpack. There are two distinct types of avalanches: loose avalanches and slab avalanches. While they are structurally different systems, both can be equally troublesome to those recreating in the mountains. Loose, or point-release, avalanches occur on slopes where the snow has simply lost its ability to remain on the slope. This is due to cohesionless snow sloughing off the surface, and picking up more snow as it falls down-slope. As the first particles of snow begin to release on the steeper aspects of the slope, they collide with lower particles, and create a fanned, triangular appearance on the slope. This type of avalanche generally occurs on slopes of 35 degrees or more and typically involves only the upper layers of the snow pack. Slab avalanches happen when a weak layer in the snowpack fails and the cohesive layer above, separate from the rest of the snowpack and flow down the mountain. The layer that separates remains intact as a unit, and resembles a slab of packed snow flowing down the mountain. As it travels downslope, collides with objects and rolls over the terrain, it generally breaks up and is crumpled into smaller, broken pieces of slab by the bottom of its runout. When either the weak layer fails, or the bond between the slab and the bedsurface releases, the force is drastically increased on all remaining bonds connecting the slab to the slope.

Holgraves challenges Essay examples -- essays research papers fc

Challenges and changes are a part of life. Many people, especially elderly who have set views can very easily resent changes and anything that can be seen as a challenge to their ideas and the tines they remember. Magic has always been part of life but sometimes the magic life takes on a maliciois spirit when manipulated by those who seek to bring about ruin. Society is built on traditions and revolutions to challenge others. These seemingly unconnected ideas come together in the character of Holgrave ans the plot of Nathaniel Hawthorne’s novel The House of the Seven Gables. Holgrave works as a force of change and challenges conceptions through his profession as a daguerreotypist. But at the same time his ideas ans actions are based on his identy os a Maule, a family, which meet its downfall by the work of a Pyncheon in Puritan days of settlement. Holgrave affects changes in the novel and works to help others see the truth of the sitution. Holgrave himself and his views on th e past are changed by his actions in marrying a Pyncheon.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Hepzibah is scarred by the chllenges to her own conventionally and sees what holgrave stands for as a threat to her ideas but he does not frighteen her. She had orginally seen him as a â€Å"well-meaning and ordwely young man† (Hawthorne 63). This orginal assesment, based on his appearance, is what caused Hepzibah to grant him permission to take out a room. But as time went on â€Å"she hardly knew what to make of him† (63). She observed that his friends all desired new ideas , particularly those of dress. Hepzibah also tells Pheobe that he challenged many ideas in a speech that he had made annd that she believes hinm to be involved as a practioner of the black arts. Pheobe becoms very frightened and inquires as to why Hepzibah allows such a â€Å"lawlwss person† (63) to stay and Hepzibah’s response is â€Å"†¦ he has a law of his own† (63). Even with all these conserns Hepzibah has about holgrave she â€Å"has to admit fro m her own contact with him that even by her formal standardshe is a quiet and orderly young man† (Matthiessen 371). So even though she voices all her suspicions about holgrave’s morality to Pheobe, Hepizbah, in the end, still believes in the truth of her orginal feelings about Holgrave. Not only her acceptance od Holgrave but her dependence on him as shown in the chapter entitled â€Å"The First Custemer†. She... ...;  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Hawthorne. Ed. Bruce Leone. San Diego: Greenhaven Press, 1996. 132-138 Hawthorne, Nathaniel. The House of the Seven Gables. New York: Banntam Books, 1981. Marks, Alfred. â€Å"Hawthorne’s Daguerrotypist: Scientist, Artist, Reformer†. The House of the Seven   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Gables: An Authorative Text, Backgrounds and Sources, Essays in Critism. Ed. Seymore L.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Gross. New York, Norton and Company, inc, 1967 330-350 Matthiesses, F. O. â€Å"the House of the Seven Gables American History† The House of the Seven Gables:  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  An Authoritive Text, Backgrounds, and Sources, Essays in Criticism. Ed. Seymore L. Gross.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  New York, Norton and Company, inc, 1967. 364-375 Von Abele, Roudolph. â€Å"holgrave’s Curious Conversion†. The House of the Seven Gables: An  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Authoritative Text , Backgrounds And Sources, Essays in Criticism. Ed. Seymore L. Gross. New   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  York, Norton and Company, inc, 1967. 394-403.

Psmp Unit 1 – Reading Report – Federalism

Purpose: To inform the reader by outliningthe dialogue that took place at the ASSA/IPAA Federalism Rountable in May, 2007. Wanna summarises discussions on the: -historical trajectory and present characteristics of Australian federalism; -perceived shortcomings and challenges surrounding ourcurrent system of government; -relevance of federalism both from an increasingly globalised national perspective and within a nation of small population and relative cultural homogeny; and -various suggestions from those present to bring aboutreform. 77) Argument/Findings The Paper articulates the collective findings of those present at the Roundtable. Wanna makes comment on some main themes that emanated e. g. whilst considerable faith was placed in a clearer demarcation of governmental roles and responsibilities to address federalism’s perceived current ‘malaise’, Wanna notes there was nothing put forward to firmly support this assumption and consequentlyquestions the true wor th of articulating and clarifying roles and responsibilities.The Paper highlightsthe Roundtable’s observationthat numerous federal nationshave tended towards centralisation in recent times, coupled with declines in regional and localised identity; it predicted a gravitation of national issues to the Commonwealth level and a shift of regional and service delivery issues towards State governments over the next 20 years.There was consensus that greater trust, ‘strategic pragmatism’ and improved intergovernmental relations were needed to reform federalism and provide enhanced policy outcomes for the Australian community. (149) Evidence The Paper provides a firsthand summary of discussion, findings and suggestions from a Roundtable of politicians, senior state and federal public servants, and academics, supported by background information papers from credible sources. (32) Observations The Paper is a record of a collective discussion, notan argumentative essay. The do es not, nor does it purport to be, a balanced view of federalism in a broader or historical sense. -Roundtables by their very nature are high level and do not allow for drilling down to the finer details of an issue; this is worth bearing in mind when considering the article as some of the context may have been overlooked in relation to the finer points made by participants. The Paperhighlights that federalism has by necessity proven to be a much more flexible and dynamic governance structure than waslikely envisaged at its inception;it could be argued that federalism’s seeming robustness and changeability is entirely appropriate to what is now a highly changeable local, national and globalised community, despite looking markedly different to what it may have first looked like at federation. -It is submitted that the need for greater levels of trust between levels of government to make federalism work is potentially made more challenging by the dynamic of our two-party system of government. 185) Other relevant or related readings 1. Keddie, J. N and R. F. I. Smith. 2009, ‘Leading from Below: How Sub-National Governments Influence Policy Agendas. ’Australian Journal of Public Administration, No. 68 Vol. 1, pp. 67-82. Rather than outlining a perceived malaise and decrease in the relevance of the States in our federal system, Keddie& Smith argue that States have a responsibility to ensure they remain integral tobroader policy and decision-making agendas. (45) 2. Hollander, R. And H. Patapan. 2007, ‘Pragmatic Federalism: Australian Federalism from Hawke to Howard. ’ Australian Journal of Public Administration, Vol. 6 No. 3 pp. 280-297 The Hollander & Patapan article provides broader historical analysis that seeks to explain fundamental aspects of our system of federalism and conclusions on why the trend of centralisation has occurred. (30) 3. Parkin, A. 2003, ‘The States, Federalism and Political Science: A Fifty-Year Apprais al. ’ Australian Journal of Public Administration, Vol. 62 No. 2, June, pp. 101-112 The Parkin Paper provides broader analysis of the state of federalism than both the Wanna and Hollander & Patapan articles, providing a fifty year appraisal of Australian governance from the States’ perspective. (32)